About the will to come out of from the crisis: More questions than answers

It is the longest political crisis ever in Madagascar’s fifty years of independence. The Great Isle political history has, so far, led to the conclusion according to which the Madagascans’ capacity to withstand any a political crisis is rated to six or seven months all for most. This time around, the crisis has set a new national record of twelve months of disputes. General tiresome is currently prevailing more than anything else. 

In spite of the grey climate, the political mobilities keep on turning a blind eye on genuine issues. The deadlock is far from being broken, and the main political actors concerned by the crisis are seemingly not hurried to agree on a genuine long term solution. 

Andry Rajoelina does not intend to share power at present. He is appearing very satisfied with managing his transition on his own. The other political mobilities are, on the other hand, continuously exerting pressure on him to reverse the sway. Every side is firmly holding on to its positions, and the country is, consequently, going down deeper in the gulch. In between, people are losing their jobs, some militants are rotting behind bars, and the economy has lead in the wing. This lets us come to wonder whether politicians really care about it or not. 

Even without recognition from the international community, Andry Rajoelina is definitely intended to rule a transition perniciously stolen from the political mobilities as well as from the international mediators, so far unable to get him stranded. 

Marc Ravalomanana, after having narrowly escaped the rebelling soldiers’ special sporty treatment dedicated to him, is now quite cushy in exile in South Africa. Acting in scalded cat, the ousted president does not really want to join the frontline, restricting his action to declaration and press relayed statements, while leaving his partisans in the expectation of his return to the country since at least June 2009. A large number of Ravalomanana’s supporters progressively deserted the demonstration places for having understood that there was nothing much left to be expected from their president,  as well as for suffering all alone the indiscriminated and violent repression from soldiers loyal to the High Authority of Transition. The “legalistic” movement is now clinically dead; a strong second breath will be needed to revive it. 

As far as they are concerned, both former presidents, Albert Zafy and Didier Ratsiraka, could not expect anything much better than this crisis to recover the spotlights. For reaching their lives’ twilight time, both had not very much to win or lose in politics any more. The international mediators brought them back in the ring mostly likely in order to avoid a crude two men’s duel between Marc Ravalomanana and Andry Rajoelina. 

Anyway, weariness has never ever contaminated the Madagascans in a so relevant proportion. Rajoelina believes his own self to be entitled to popular support, and he is the only one to believe it. Marc Ravalomanana has been disappointing his partisans too long enough, while Didier Ratsiraka and Albert Zafy are, somehow, attempting an eluding victorious come back in the power’s highest spheres. In this swarm of hesitations, this long lasting cowardice in face of responsibilities and these breathless nostalgic hungers for power, the solution and its providential man are proving to be more than complicated to find out.