General mobilization around an election to be made successful

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The organic law governing the legislative elections, basically planned for March 20th, 2010, but almost certainly postponed to May of this year, specified, in accordance with the HAT vision, that this vote would have a couple of goals: the constituent assembly, and the national assembly. The majority’s duty of building a national unity government ought to be dictated by this law. Andry Rajoelina’s initiative is, legally speaking, second to none. The High Constitutional Court is yet to decide about what is still a political project. Ambohidahy’s judges are actually on the verge of creating a significant precedent in the democracy’s history if they allow such a calculation politicizes to come true. 

For the time being, the constitutional referendum is still overlooked, but the electoral way seems to be generally accepted. The HAT Prime minister, Camille Vital, is making a priority of finding the necessary means to make a success of these votes, adding that the political crisis has been going on for too long enough. “We, Malagasy people, have to turn out big efforts in order to make these elections democratic and transparent “, he argued. The colonel reiterated also that the election is the only way out of from the crisis. Now it is, somehow, a slight synchronism failure with an Andry Rajoelina who hinted a recovery of the Maputo agreements’ path at the time of his stay in Paris. 

Raharinaivo Andrianatoandro, the TIM party’s spokesman and member of the Ravalomanana mobility, is wishing the next elections to be undisputable. However, he denied recognition to the latest electoral consultations, although his party sent observers to Ivato. “There is no competence to organize such a consultation aiming at deciding of the electoral deadlines; such a mission is entitled to the National Reconciliation Committee of reconciliation “, he argued.  

Among the other debated issues, the erection of the independent national electoral Commission is still a cause for controversies. The presence of the political parties within this institution meant to promote and referee the elections is one of them. A compromise would have be found with the civil society. Politicians would not be permanent members of the CENI, but candidates would have to be represented in there. This institution will have branches throughout communes, as well as duties. 

The electoral code is still remaining unclear. The vote’s process is made a strategic stake by political calculations. Cities with more than 150 000 inhabitants will be represented by two deputies. The vote’s process is still to be defined; the law of the strong has its partisans.  The unique ballot is, on the contrary, unanimously accepted. Some financial contribution under the shape of a caution is being assessed, in order to keep an eventual flood of candidacy out. The unique bulletin is technically not quite unique, for being identified by a code bar. It would technically grant the possibility to trace a vote, and check its conformity. 

 Are those legislative elections or a referendum? The first popular consultation of the year 2010 has doubts even on its very identity. Andry Rajoelina has much to win, and even much more to lose when stubbornly going forward with his erection of his constituent assembly in order to pave his way to the 4th Republic’s first top seat.  Could the vote fail to earn either national or international recognition, the TGV would, consequently, be driving the country deep into a quite dark new tunnel.  But since this one has been delivered with the back gear lever, it is not afraid to keep going on.