Negotiation in Maputo: the debate on amnesty is difficult

Didier Ratsiraka scored his first goal. All three other mobilities accepted his amnesty request for all mistakes and condemnations related to the political crisis of 2002, apart from the usual exceptions. The Ratsiraka mobility proposed a text project to the international Contact Group. The document has been analyzed and adapted by jurists. Now it is finally bound to be signed. 

Andry Rajoelina is warning that he is in Maputo to a single relevant end: the signature of a convention or global charter which is going to master the transition. His mobility is proposing the Panorama charter which is giving all possible powers to the president of the HAT. 

The young man puts his authority forward and would refuse to sign specific acts as that of the year 2002 amnesty. This refusal is strategic because it locks all doors to any agreement on an amnesty for 2009 events. However, Andry Rajoelina, the TGV, and some of his mutinous military and political allies… also have skeletons in their wardrobe and might someday be charged for their deeds. 

As long as he holds power, the amnesty remains Rajoelina’s main bait in these negotiations. Being the supreme authority in such field definitely provides him with a certain advantage over his adversaries for the next presidential election. Despite the big pile of files against Marc Ravalomanana, the HAT only managed to get a single and more than controversial condemnation in absentia: four years in jail and a 70 million dollars high fine for the purchase of the Madagascan State owned presidential plane. 

Apart from this swift lawsuit, the Rajoelina mobility has to make do with barely a large scale outpouring to judge the elected president. Actually, the amnesty question discussed in Maputo should only concern the purchase of the presidential plane. The guilt presumption directed by the HAT on Marc Ravalomanana, on legalistic movement’s leaders, as well as on TIM parliamentarians… is only propaganda. 

Is the present chief of the transition prisoner of his allies’ pressure? In any case, he reiterated more of once that he will never agree on giving amnesty to Marc Ravalomanana. The Rajoelina delegation firmly emphasized its categorical opposition to the elected president’s return on home soil, either as president of Republic or as simple citizen. 

For the Ravalomanana mobility, the return to constitutional order remains the paramount priority. She is proposing the 1991’s transition diagram. Marc Ravalomanana would be restored as a president with quite less powers. An authority of transition would be managing daily business and indeed the election preparation. 

The SADC mediator Joachim Chissano is limiting negotiations to the four mobility chiefs, in the international conference center that carries his name,. He even asked everybody to leave the area so that the discussions can advance in serenity. Such actually made the mood even tenser for delegations.