Restructuring the HAT: the constitutional crisis is still on

Andry Rajoelina is deprived of Prime minister anew. The complaint lodged by Eugene Mangalaza’s attorneys to the State Council paid off. Colonel Albert Camille Vital’s appointment order is being suspended. This measure is, however, in no way decisive as such, since it would only last up to the so named institution’s decision making time. Already heckled by the HAT led justice ministry, the State Council might make a verdict within less than three days; something is to be expected by Thursday December 24th. Will the three mobilities successfully break the HAT led withdrawal from the Maputo and Addis Ababa agreements in view of recovery of its Putsch originated basic transitional and dictatorial scheme? One thing is to be held for granted; Prime Minister Mangalaza is still the single Prime Minister in Mahazoarivo.  

The Rajoelina administration is, as usual, straining to smooth the water in order to conceal evidences of political recession at best, a full year wasted for nothing at worst. The HAT or High Authority of Transition is renamed High Council of Transition. No more controversy allowed on the notion of Authority. Alain Ramaroson and his brood henceforth become advisors, not entitled to any executive authority no more. The HAT, true to its patch worked nature to the end, would hence designate the presidency only. Officials used to the Glass Palace of Anosy, in other words political leaders stemming from the Rajoelina mobility, are, de facto, to be integrated in the High Council of Transition.  

The parliament of Andry Rajoelina’s dreams will be made of his friends from the HCT, on  one hand, and a national assembly, on the other hand. The legislative elections dimmed to take place on March 20th, 2010 will be “monochrome” since the three other mobilities definitely announced their boycott. The international community has long warned Malagasy politicians that any unilaterally organized and run election will inevitably fail to get recognition. Colonel Albert Camille Vital’s mission is precisely the organization of such poles. The Rajoelina mobility’s political calculation is simple. Its allies would win the majority, and be granted the privilege to name the Prime minister.  

The dictatorship’s main stake consists in convincing the outside world, including the even more sceptical Malagasy, that this first transitional election would be free, fair and transparent. To this end, Andry Rajoelina is daring all political parties to push their luck in the elections. His government’s complete lack of inclusiveness, consensus and, consequently, credibility is a significant burden for the young TGV. Colonel Vital’s will to integrate men in uniforms in his staff is far from calming the opinion down.  

The so named HAT led hesitations and its desperate attempts to add up legal makeup to its decisions do not help in Madagascar’s institutional crisis. The appointment of Prime minister Albert Vital is only an additive layer to the mist around the power’s highest sphere. And the man does not seem to hold his appointment order’s suspension very much in account. The return of the national unity Prime minister, Eugene Mangalaza, from exiled compelled the HAT to name another Prime minister to occupy Mahazoarivo. Colonel Vital definitely scouted the area, but did not yet “conquer” the Prime minister’s palace.