Vital, the end of the national adversity government, isn’t it?

This trip to Maputo does not yet mean the resurrection of the Malagasy Transition dealt in August 2009 by the country’s four political mobilities. Albert Camille Vital joined the Mozambican capital city to put forth a so named solution allegedly standing halfway from the Maputo and Addis Ababa agreements and the Rajoelina mobility’s will to rule its transition in its undisputed way. For having been unilaterally appointed by the HAT leader, colonel Vital is finding it hard to be starring as the national unity Prime minister. Since his appointment on top of the government, the regime has been presenting a military profile which does not help to enhance the so said popular democracy champions’ reputation. National division is actually rampaging as it never did before.   

The HAT is keen on imposing its military Prime minister as the national unity government. The process has been proving harder than expected, indeed since a national unity Prime Minister’s appointment has previously and officially occurred. Eugene Mangalaza remains the single Madagascan entitled to claim the short term position. The government’s composition, according to the dealt Addis Ababa distribution process, is not of the Rajoelina mobility’s liking at all, as power is actually more than likely to escape its grip. In accordance with his understanding of his same equal footing with the other Ravalomanana, Zafy and Ratsiraka mobilities, Andry Rajoelina hurriedly claimed as the six remaining ministries promised to the “other forces” as his. According to the done political deal, the HAT would truly be entitled to name figures, but only figures proposed by neutral parties or by the civil society.  

The irretrievable need to give in to the Maputo agreements as well as the Addis Ababa additional act is splitting the Vital government apart. Foreign Affairs minister Ny Hasina Andriamanjato’s resignation made the drama public. The HAT diplomacy’s number one failed to shine through his efficiency, though enforcing international recognition of a dictatorial regime was, as a matter of fact, an impossible mission. Besides, the HAT leader’s mentor, Norbert Lala Ratsirahonana, is definitely having his grip the upper hand on meaningful decisions, and such a situation certainly contributed to the resignation. The former short term transitional chief of state has been imposing series of diplomatic loopholes which, in the end, did not draw any better gain. The race to Ny Hasina Andriamanjato’s succession is on even though the title might be a short term one. Apart the favorites as Maxim Zafera, Prime minister Vital’s diplomacy advisor, and Zazah Ramandimbiarison, one of the HAT influential figures, the option of an acting minister to be held in charge of the Foreign Affairs is still underway. Alain Tehindrazanarivelo, deputy Prime Minister in charge of Healthcare would be in good position.  

Following the European parliament’s condemnation of Madagascar’s ruling machine, the HAT had to put up a low profile in front of the ICG and its African actors, and assess its stand anew. Without the 27, the HAT can potentially stand by French unconditional support. Andry Rajoelina’s new roadmap is pledging the dictating authorities’ led elections prior to its national unity government. The HAT is planning to “involve” the European Union in the unilateral legislative vote’s observation, most likely in order to cool the international community’s hot firm stand. This election would only have the ersatz-constitution previously assessed, accepted and signed by Andry Rajoelina in December 2009. The tentative to thwart the African influence failed, as a matter of fact.