Saturday , 18 May 2024
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The enforced recovery of a HAT way shadow of constitutional order is finding it hard to convince the various political tendencies, including the Rajoelina mobility itself. Ambroise Randrianavonison and his "legalistic" mobility which broke apart from the Ravalomanana camp keep on longing for a popular referendum to settle the crisis. The citizens would have to decide whether they want any Maputo charter or not.

Elections: the legalistic front contesting the Rajoelina roadmap

First an election, then a popular consultation, interrogating the polls is increasingly appearing compulsory. But every party or mobility is keeping up with its own little “political calculation”, these days’ latest fashionable trend. Ambroise Randrianavonison is, now, popping out of from the pack to denounce the HAT led organization of a legislative election. There are far too many causes for concern and fear from frauds in there for the legalistic torchbearer. “On which legal basis are citizens going to be called to polling stations?” he wondered.  The lack of republican Constitution together with the failure to implement the Malagasy transitional charter signed in Maputo, are making his leading argumentation’s core.  

 

In December 2009, the HAT recovered full control, only by pulling out of from the Maputo process. Then Andry Rajoelina imposed, by order, a new small ersatzconstitution to the Republic of Madagascar undercover of a transitional reorganization. This order is therefore the single legal basis for the completion of the crime: organizing allegedly transparent, free, fair and democratic elections dented by arbitrariness and unilateral gaits. “There is an unveiled stake behind these elections”, stated Ambroise Randrianavonison. By so doing, he is referring to the “secret” agreement signed in Malmaison, according to which Andry Rajoelina wants to be elected by president by Super Electors. Would he be elected as president of an internationally recognized transition, or directly as president of the 4th Republic?   

 

In order to thwart the, this time around alleged TGV plot, the legalistic voice is proposing to hold a “popular constitutional referendum”. It would not yet be the decisive jump to a new republic but merely one more stone to its basis from the resumption of the Maputo and Addis Ababa. Voters would, consequently, be entitled to say “Yes” or “No” to the transitional charter and its transitional act. According to Ambroise Randrianavonison, the organization of such a popular consultation ought to be left to the civil society supported by the international community. The legalistic leader has actually already begun negotiations with international organizations as the African Union, the international Contact Group, the UNO, and of course the president… of France.  

 

According to legalistic militants, any election held in a confused political context and rigged with political calculations is off the point. “When the genuine people’s will to follow the Maputo charter or not will be legally known, it will the time for inclusive national conferences”, according to” Uncle Ambroise”. He is, thereupon, shares the opinion of his former adversaries, now well entrenched in the Rajoelina mobility’s ranks. Any Constitution project will have to stem from this national conference.  Together with the brood of Pety Rakotoniaina and Jean Eugene Voninahitsy, Ambroise Randrianavonison believes this new fundamental law meant to put the 4th Republic in place to be the result of a referendum.  

 

The legalistic front is, in the end, rejecting Andry Rajoelina’s double, and even triple game plan: One, creating deputies for his constituent assembly in order to validate his Constitution; Two, undisputedly appointing a leader of a so called national unity government meant to rule, at least until the end of the transition, or in other words, until the election of a new president; and three, imposing those deputies beyond the transition undercover of a compliance with the organic law. Ambroise Randrianavonison proposed the simultaneous holding of legislative and presidential elections, so that any of both winners remains unable to build on the victory. The political logic would not be jeopardized since the legislative election’s major party would still have to prove its worth at the presidential election’s second round.