An electoral code in order to deflect attention from the amnesty bill

The 12 days long special parliamentary session was dedicated to the electoral code expected to rule the upcoming elections potentially deemed to be organized by the electoral commission. This institution is basically not supposed to be permanent for being independent from the transitional leadership. Logically speaking, this process simply flushes the previous CENI devoted to the HAT, and by the same way the unilateral referendum ordered by Rajoelina.

Texts defining the CENI and the CENIT are actually not that much different from each other. The main difference is the letter T which restricts the institution’s life expectancy to the transitional period. However, parliamentary debates have so far focused on the electoral campaign duration for the three direct vote elections. The CENIT will on this account be the one entitled to organize the presidential, parliamentary and local elections, and validate their results.

Which elections are going to take place and when will they take place are not yet being scheduled. The Rajoelina supportive majority at the parliament merely care about the most favorable way to organize elections.
The UDR-C held a 30 days long “propaganda” as far too long… too much time for the opposition to express its point and destabilize the regime. The TGV finds it equally too long, potentially advantageous for well financed opposition candidates.

The debate’s next point caused division within the Rajoelina supportive tier, namely the relevance of fingerprint placed on the single ballot box against a pen made cross. It does make no sense since the electoral commission cannot afford to check fingerprint registration during the counting process. The text actually served the Rajoelina sphere as a diversion which simulated a democratic debate inside the parliament’s chambers on a single account: winning time.

The transitional congress president openly expressed his irritation caused by the HAT’s reluctance to address the amnesty bill supposed to be passed before February 29th as requested by the SADC. Mamy Rakotoarivelo believed that parliamentarians had enough time to do so during the special session and that any other session would have been unnecessary. The UDR-C turned out a new excuse: a committee for reconciliation must be erected at first.

The Rajoelina sphere first makes the selective amnesty asset sure in order to rule Marc Ravalomanana out, namely, according to Mamy Rakotoarivelo, the single real issue within the crisis settlement process. He believes that President Ravalomanana’s return home and his participation to elections have always been the key deemed to open or lock each and every door.