Friday , 3 May 2024
enfrit
It’s always been so: diplomacy has always been and will always be the weak point of the HAT ruling power led by Andry Rajoelina and Norbert Lala Ratsirahonana. Yet, the mayor of Antananarivo keeps braging an outstanding diplomatic victory, for having been recognized as president of the transition by the international community, and for having met as such the United Nations’ Secretary General in New York City.

Andry Rajoelina, which diplomatic victory does he actually brag about?

The argued victory actually got reduced to peanuts by both of the iron ladies of these latest months, namely the United Nations’ Coordinator and the President of the local Electoral Commission. The inversion of the electoral calendar, basically expected to favor Rajoelina & Co. was rejected. Besides, the African Union presses for having the former president Marc Ravalomanana, ousted in 2009, back on home soil through the adoption of an amnesty of which the outgoing transitional leader might make good use soon enough.

Four years in command proved not enough to bring maturity to the ruling power’s diplomatic performance in the court of big boys. The assessment of the meeting granted by the United Nations’ Secretary General to the ruling power’s head by the beginning of February displayed a symptomatic evidence of this matter of fact. Andry Rajoelina forced the transitional government to officially call voters to legislative instead of presidential elections, and thought to have reached a significant milestone when entering New York City’ UN headquarters with a presidential title. Dead duck! The government resisted, and so did Ban Ki Moon.

Ban Ki Moon on the verge of being used

According to Rajoelina, the CENIT (local electoral commission) and the United Nations’ special envoy would have acted against the United Nations’ Secretary General’s will when postponing the elections. In predominantly diplomatic terms, Ban Ki Moon did not forcibly deny and declared that each and every concerned political group had to freely express its point about any alteration of the electoral course. Unfortunately for the TGV, the United Nations are no centralized structure at all. The UN’s headquarters cannot simply turn against the UN representation in charge in Madagascar. The first doubts on Ban Ki Moon’s allegedly acquired support emerged when a local foreign office official declared that the documented evidence take by Andry Rajoelina to New York actually never stemmed from the foreign office. The stand is clear: he wanted to deceive the United Nations’ Secretary of State.

In Africa, not better

The transitional presidency and the transitional parliament wanted the African Union to lift all of its sanctions on Madagascar and more particularly those targeting some of the ruling power’s leading figures in exchange of any further implementation of the crisis settlement Roadmap. The answer was NO. Why would the Union need to be blackmailed for what its Peace and Security Council is entitled to require without conditions? The Roadmap will have to be entirely capitalized, including Marc Ravalomanana’s safe return home to be granted by an incoming amnesty. Rajoelina and his ruling power have been sanctioned for nearly over a full presidential term.

The transitional presidency’s diplomacy did ultimately not prove any more efficient on home soil anyway. The local electoral commission just as the whole of the international community engaged into the settlement of this crisis through elections played a deaf ear to Andry Rajoelina’s presidential request to invert the electoral course. Scheduling legislative before the presidential elections would have favored the ruling power’s party, but this will not be allowed to come true.
The single real diplomatic victory for Andry Rajoelina could be claimed with China’s support: Antananarivo city’s urban transportation companies will be able to purchase small busses from this country