Armed forces : the solution in Egypte, the problem in Madagascar

The military revolt which fueled the year 2009’s putsch has sealed an “Alliance” between Andry Rajoelina and his war chiefs for the sake of their common interests.The self proclaimed armed forces’ first in command promised that no officer would be demised as long as he remains on top. A scoop! once in a lifetime, he stayed true to his word. And the most obliging officers committing themselves at best into the defense of his position by the use of force to silence the Opposition were rewarded with a promotion, be it a promotion to a brand new though fictional position for the most loyal of them. Any reluctance to emulate got sanctioned with a long term stay behind bars.

A joint command as a deterrent tool

Will the army recover the role of the transitional 4th republic’s last resort again? even though repression is history now, actually now that the Opposition does no more dare massively go down to the street, intimidation remains on a daily basis. Andry Rajoelina was compelled to put his special squad created in the year 2009’s putsch away from the front scene. No matter, the Emmo Reg and Emmo Nat divisions take over into the protection of the ruling power and the determent of the Opposition. Only the primary target did not change, namely the exiled president Marc Ravalomanana

As an illustration to this, president Ravalomanana was expected back home in order to attend a crisis settlement summit organized by the FFKM. Early in the D-Day’s morning before his landing, the Emmo Reg rehearsed the arrest of a passenger on the airfield. Meanwhile, the armed forces’ top leader were meeting the transitional prime minister and finally prized a ban to land in on Marc Ravalomanana’s plane out of him. The Rajoelina supportive army happens to be the major troublemaker, could the exiled president ever succeed in coming back home

  Not any salvation in sight for democracy

In spite of Andry Rajoelina’s repeated violations of laws, despite his failures to respect given words, the army still supports him as a matter of fact. It flexed its muscles when the Special Electoral Court was addressing the transitional leader’s totally illegal presidential candidacy. It tried to put its best boot forward when imposing a crisis settlement closed session to political decision makers, yet it would have proved too little to claim any genuine neutral status. The armed forces are openly biased and greedy. It even blackmailed the securisation of the elections for an astronomic sum of money from the CENIT and the foreign financial partners.

This politically polarized army seriously ponders the prospect of seizing power, if their champion, or their illegal first commander, were ever forced out of the way. It already assessed the eventual erection of a High Military Authority of Transition in the run of the electoral problems in May 2013. The armed forces get ready to have their grip on power whenever needed, on the long term if necessary. They are even bound to do away with the crisis settlement Roadmap signed back in 2011. And nothing may be held for granted concerning Rajoelina’s personal republic’s constitution, content of which my expect to favor the ruling power at any rate