HAT: marrying the unilateral bride and the consensual bridegroom? if ever possible…

Following the Roindefo II government now conducted by Camille Vital, the HAT is shaping a government Vital II up. The process remains the same: massively enlisting whoever eager to step in, provided that dispersed figures being, or having been stemming from the rogue mobilities are part of them. How can a second attempt ever lead to success after the first experiment’s resounding failure? Previously supposed symbol ministers of openness have actually all converted into the TGV faith, devoted both in body and soul to the charismatic dictating authorities’ guru. But there has been no result but the failure to get the political process’s main target: international recognition. Things have even only worsened since these new «opportunists” have been becoming far too “heavy” for the veterans of the struggle to reverse a twice elected president.  

The Ratsiraka, Ravalomanana and Zafy mobilities have repeatedly displayed their refusal to integrate the so said Vital unity government. Greedy Fawkes dying for a ministerial position, ye be warned! Do immediately drop your original party as well as your honor in the dressing rooms. The HAT cannot afford to repeat the same mistakes when trying to corrupt without the rogue opposition leaders’ blessing. The Prime minister Camille Vital is doing what he can trying to draw potential candidates to apply for a job in Mahazoarivo. Andry Rajoelina and his Prime minister also have to make do with their own HAT allies  

Having recently been renamed Superior Council of Transition, this strange senate like institution members of which are being undisputedly designated from a single mobility, definitely has no executive power at all. On the other hand, its political influence has proved to be significant enough to alter the TGV gear lever. Could Andry Rajoelina keep on in his reluctance to let the Transitional Congress unfold, a blunt deletion of the Superior Council might be appreciated as a positive sign from him. This nominal legislative power has never been required since the HAT has been undisputedly deciding everything order after order.  

Would the erection of a national unity government for the transition’s left seven to nine months still be so hard to accept for a Rajoelina mobility desperately reluctant to give in to some sacrifices in the name of openness. If the Maputo and Addis Ababa agreements are proving far too heavy for a so short time, another deal between the four leaders could alleviate the institutions. The three mobilities would consent to recognize Andry Rajoelina, presently the dictating authorities’ leader, as president of the transition, against far more substantial gains on various other fronts: the efficiency of a couple of transitional cochairmen and a genuine national unity Prime minister whose name has already been pledged by signed agreements: Eugene Mangalaza.  

Through unilateral  and quite dictatorial orders, Andry Rajoelina bluntly kicked the officia Prime minister Mangalaza out behind the touch line. He thought to have successfully erased an internationally signed and recognized agreement with a simple local order of appointment. Ever since, the Rajoelina republic’s single legal basis, if ever legal, is a reshuffle order imposed in December 2009. The HAT keeps on making its laws while preparing its elections aiming at pledging legality to its illegal authority. The 4th republic is, more than ever, risking to be that of division.