Sunday , 19 May 2024
enfrit
The French Secretary of State to Cooperation, Alain Joyandet, is in Madagascar together with France's Mister Africa and Sarkozy's advisor, Andre Parent. BOth figures have been warmly received by the HAT leader at their arrival. Andry Rajoelina has without a doubt been trying to associate France to his contested and personal political moves. The latest decoy in fashion is the CENI set up by order as the unilateral process' national unity ingredient.

Joyandet in Ambohistorohitra: Andry Rajoelina wants it his way

In general, calling in to a chief of state is part of the ultimate political steps. Else, there is either no official or recognized chief of state, or the concerned country has serious grounds to be… concerned. No matter, it is, officially, Andry Rajoelina who made the first gesture begging for France’s support. The HAT especially communicated Alain Joyandet’s propositions from their latest recent meeting. The most important thing for the Rajoelina mobility is “the confirmation of the Malagasy people’s decision voiced as the outcome of the Teny ifampierana widened consensus debate”. Even though this show’s legitimacy is logically contested by the other political mobilities as well as by a large part of the civil society, Andry Rajoelina is still daring to affirm that there had been some sort of a convention between all of the nation’s forces.   

 

The Rajoelina roadmap, definitely too much unilateral looking, is, thereupon,being apparently dropped and replaced by something named a widened consensus, actually as widened as virtual. Putting his “Teny ifampierana” debate on the front line, the imposed junta’s leader presented to Alain Joyandet his umpteenth loophole to end the crisis, naturally at his advantage. The first but decisive step is the organization of an election in order to provide deputies to its constituent assembly. Political calculation is simple for the HAT: reducing the national unity period as much as possible, and enforce a constitution to measure, without necessarily having to face up to referendum showdown.  

 

This double game is, however, far from a foregone done deal. Confusion and subsequent mistrust is sticking to HAT intentions undermined by more than clumsy steps. Time is actually missing to any national government to satisfy  

 

Rajoelina’s expected electoral deadlines meant to be officially announced by his electoral Commission. Otherwise, he could also finish his transition off until December 31st, 2010, could the supposedly successfully erected Constituent Assembly dedicate its prerogatives to a constitution to order, and subsequently pave his way to the 4th Republic, instead of constituting a governing majority.  

 

Andry Rajoelina openly stated his alleged “commitment to collaborate with cooperative figures eager to lead the country up to the legislative election “. Shall it lead to the erection of a constituent or national parliament. The HAT has already proposed, against strong judicial opposition, to turn the supposedly erected constituent assembly into an ordinary lower chamber after the presidential election. These deputies will, therefore, shape the government up therefore. How and by which name would they do so still remains a pure mystery.  

 

Andry Rajoelina has pleaded for the electoral commission’s independency in front of Alain Joyandet. It ought to serve as a short cut supposed to do away with the  transitional national unity institutions pledged by the Maputo charter. For the sake of more foreign support ingredients, the HAT leader asked for France’s involvement into the unilateral process, to be reflected by French electoral experts in support of the HAT CENI. The junta is definitely skirting around the announcement of an electoral deadline in order to mask its partiality and unilateral intentions