The international community giving no damn about tricks from Ambohitsorohitra

The support granted by the international community to the national electoral commission and to its leading president happened to be a major blow to the transition presidency. Ambohitsorohitra got a reminder about the fact that its ruling power had not say into the decisions concerning the completion of the electoral calendar. In spite of the widespread slander directed at the President of the Electoral Commission, Beatrice Attalah’s position has never been as strong as it is now. Accusing her of having sold her services or the nation’s fate, or both ones at a time to the international community was in no way a patriotic uproar but rather a flagrant outcry at one’s own diplomatic powerlessness.

Candidacy rejected by the International Community and then Marc Ravalomanana again!

The HAT has been having to battle hard for its life from 2009 until the signature of the crisis settlement Roadmap. Being now regarded as a transitional president is consequently considered as a valuable victory by the transitional leader… it is actually halfway to the truth, since this privilege is merely a grace own to his political opponents, more specifically to Marc Ravalomanana. By completing a strategic pull out of the incoming elections, the President kept out in exile has definitely won the diplomatic war, as a matter of fact. Neither his condemnation by the HAT’s justice nor the candidacy conditions patched up by the ruling power proved relevant enough to become mere factors on the international strategic pattern.
For having defied and mocked the International Community in the name of an alleged legitimacy allegedly granted by a free people’s choice, Andry Rajoelina has the first part of the  retribution he deserves The transitional leader may play the big shot as long as he wants by depicting his pull out of the electoral race as a self sacrifice, his very own speech brings his deceit to light, as he stated to have never deviated from his position expressed back in 2010, namely his reluctance to run for the presidency.
Rajoelina’s declaration of diplomatic war to Barack Obama at the United Nations’ headquarters sealed his fate. Laurent Fabius confirmed the situation when diplomatically urging him to back up and make himself scarce in 2013. The rules are simple from scratch, even if Rajoelina and his clique never understood them. No figure involved into the unconstitutional government change is allowed to take part into the electoral race. In other words, a putsch can in no way be turned legal by democratic tools.

The AU’s diplomatic ring gets tighter around Rajoelina & Co.’s neck

The African Union must have lost confidence into the transitional ruling power’s diplomatic power. The Union’s twentieth summit, the electoral calendar’s order deemed to draw Madagascar from its long crisis was expressively reminded: one presidential election first, then legislative and communal elections next. Then, the congregation noticed that the crisis settlement Roadmap has not been thoroughly executed. Ambohitsorohitra thought to have largely completed its mission when erecting transitional institutions, and dared to require international sanctions directed at a handful of transitional leading figures expecting to run electoral races to be lifted.
The African Union’s answer was crystal clear: “in spite of all of the achieved progress, some main articles from the crisis settlement Roadmap are still to be capitalized, namely its article 20. The African Union consequently decides to maintain the ban of Madagascar on the Union’s activities as well as the sanctions against Madagascar, while emphasizing its will to lift them as early as possible, anew.” This famous article 20 allows every political figure kept away in exile on political account to freely come home, including Marc Ravalomanana.
The African Union’s Peace and Security Council confirmed the electoral calendar issued and slightly modified by the electoral commission at the expenses of the Rajoelina sphere. Full neutrality from all of the transitional institutions is being emphatically required. The transitional leader is consequently not able to support any candidate. Strict respect to the electoral commission and the strict execution of its orders are required just the same way. The whole world decidedly seems to turn against the Rajoelina sphere.