Saturday , 18 May 2024
enfrit
D Day on October 25th 2013. The Malagasy people joined the polling stations, if not massively, still with grim determination. On the day earlier, the President of the National Electoral Commission described several dozens of times the voting process as "secured", though conceding that a certain number of citizens would not be allowed to cast their vote for being out of the electoral register. The Electoral Commission must have had not enough time to make its job anywhere near as perfect.

the presidential election’s first round: the process developed without troubles, and, to a certain extent, in a slovenly way

Voters, most likely used to get their electoral cards delivered home, did not massively make an effort to retrieve theirs from their respective Fokontany offices. On the D Day, the lack of strict and official rules of engagement concerning this issue already created confusion. No matter the Electoral Commission suggested the plan B of one special room to welcome voters willing to get their cards back, many Fokontany leaders did not comply accordingly and mingled voters ready and wanna be voters in the same room.

A table standing at the middle of a courtyard in a public school serving as polling station, a gathering crowd of some fifty people, many among them getting ordered to search the stockpile for their own electoral cards, the situation is getting tense as the famous cards cannot be found, so was the mood like… “Do make for the polling station and search for your names in the electoral register” sounds an official’s instruction, to which the disillusioned voters reply “and where then? there are many doors here”.

Completing his duty in the morning of October 25th required much of oneself’s determination. Many ones did not make it and had to go back home, literally with empty hands. So what was the problem in the capital city? The Analamanga region was cared of the last by the Electoral Commission, due to the region’s closeness to the commission’s headquarters. The shipment of the necessary tools in the accompaniment of personal mandated by the electoral commission proved longer and more complicated as expected, and took its toll on the time to share electoral cards out in each Fokontany.

Besides, personal commitment did not prove enough to make out for the delays. “There is no way for us to cast votes because we did not receive our electoral cards and had no time to fetch them” regretted one interviewed family father. To which extent did this matter of fact have an effect on the presidential election’s first round? As well, could the electoral cards which failed to reach their rightful owners possibly be used by misused to serve any one’s ambition? Will complains and critics soon pop up as a result?

The Electoral Commission did what it take to secure the climax of the electoral process. The voting operation has actually captured much less concern than the electoral process’s next crucial steps of shipping and opening the ballots. At that time, the issue related to the Fokontany led and partly failed distribution of electoral cards was history, in spite of some media groups’ uttered protests.

National and international electoral observers have, so far, been appearing satisfied by the mere fact that the electoral process’s first round developed as expected on October 25th without major interference on that very day.

In the South of the country, a murder darkened the development of the vote in a town called Benenitra. A Fokontany chief got tracked by Dahalo outlaws down, sought refuge in the very polling station he was supposed to serve in, not to avail. He finally got killed by a former offender. The state police forces reported that the incident was a matter of personal revenge, and had no link with the electoral process.