The institutions of the consensual and inclusive transition

Farewell to the High authority of transition! This hybrid organ, standing somewhere between the legislative and the executive fields, will not appear in the consensual and inclusive version of the political transition in Madagascar. There will be no high authority thereupon, but a less conceited presidency without the six bulky vice presidents and commission presidents. Andry Rajoelina becomes thus, the transition’s president. He will be helped by one vice president.

The national union government is to be put in place. It is characterized by the presence of three Prime Ministers. These four leaders could eventually represent the different political mobilities. The number of ministers is fixed to 28. Shall it be a reshuffle of an in depth upset?

In its aims at two thirds of all ministerial portfolios, the Rajoelina mobility has actually proposed some voluntarily left available seats. However, the national union government’s pattern has basically been being the fair sharing of the 28 seats between the four mobilities.

The members of the HAT should logically integrate the superior Council of transition. The 44 so called senators, working with the executive power, are going to constitute the future transition’s upper chamber of 65 members overall. The lower chamber, the Transition’s Convention will have 258 members. The ICG had previously already proposed TIM party senators and deputies as nominee members of this institution.

The agreement in Maputo confirmed that the political transition will also have specific institutions. The national reconciliation council will have 09 members, of which two representatives per mobility and one president. As in 1991, an economic and social Council of 72 members will be put in place.

Three other already existing institutions will be retained. They swap name but retain their original mission. They are the Transition’s High court, that will have the particularity to count 11 members instead of the usual High constitutional court’s 09 members; the National Defence and Inner Security Reflection Committee (08 members), a second version of the military council put in place by the HAT, and finally the independent electoral national Council.

With as so many institutions, scepticism remains over the State’s capacity to face up to the expenses. The lower chamber’s size duplication and the creation of the CRES constitute the main extras on the budget plan. Politicians, ye be warned! The Transition’s government will inform case by case, according to the State’s possibilities, for all kinds of benefits. The jackpot is not insured.