Saturday , 18 May 2024
enfrit
Keeping rolling forward on a slippery rail leading to a dead end, or making the uncomfortable U-turn? The dilemma is the division bell for the dictating authorities, and for the Rajoelina mobility in general. In spite of the French parliamentarians' blessing, the international community seems to be supportive of the international Contact Group and keeps the HAT under pressure. The resurrection of the Maputo and Addis Ababa agreements is underway.

The TGV breaking dow at the crossroad, Andry Rajoelina loosing control

Andry Rajoelina has not yet completed his choice between a difficult, and even impossible co leadership, an unilateral transition standing no chance to ever get recognition. The young HAT leader’s silence in face of this stumbling block of his is fuelling panic even more in his own camp. The TGV is straining to move forward, pretending not to be stranded by “imposing” a counterweight to its power, namely a Superior Council of Transitional Control (CSCT), as a kind of compromise which, in the end, is proving to be failing to satisfy anyone, neither the Rajoelina mobility nor the other ones united in the Madagasikara mobility.  

 

The presidency’s lead monopole on the HAT irretrievably started the countdown to division within the Rajoelina camp. However, it has undoubtedly made things clear as never before: Andry Rajoelina is the lone ruler; the former members of the HAT are reduced to be the regime’s advisors. Too bad for them, the CSCT in which the opposition representing the Ravalomananas, Zafy and Ratsiraka mobilities will get a squeezing majority, would be the end of undisputed power. At best, the dictating authorities would be keeping the absolute Control on the executive power even though the small opening operated by the Roindefo II government is history. All ministers would, then, be assimilated to the Rajoelina mobility.  

 

The governments, as well as the former HAT, are striving to keep in control of the cockpit in order to pilot its TGV at will. The government is no more making a taboo of dealing with the other mobilities. The supporters of a national unity government would even be making the majority in there. In Anosy’s Senate occupied by the popular movement’s allies, the idea of a cohabitation is still being rejected. “It is difficult to collaborate with the three other mobilities “, confessed Alain Ramaroson. Then he berated the alleged SADC’s partial influence on the international community. The election of Malawi’s president on top of the African Union would certainly not be to his liking.  

 

His allies are getting tougher against Andry Rajoelina, and literally order him to refrain from changing hisi sway again. The organization of a legislative election in order to make a constituent assembly and a the national unity government of their choice seemed like the ideal plan. Has the French influence on the president of the HAT proved to be strong enough to have him announce in Paris the vote’s postponement and the erection of a CSCT? Former parliamentarian Hery Raharisaina, from the Ravalomanana mobility, condemned the strategy aiming at fooling the international community. According to him, such an institution is serving the reinforcement of the HAT instead of the institution of a consensual and inclusive Transition. The appointment of a military Prime minister by Andry Rajoelina did not exactly help to the lowering of tensions.. Colonel Albert Camille Vital is actually bound to wedge war against the SADC! On the political plan, the HAT does not seem strong enough to enforce the increasingly high wall erected by increasingly unhappy citizens, and by an international community increasingly offended by the young Malagasy dictatorship’s baseless defiance.