Saturday , 18 May 2024
enfrit
Andry Rajoelina's rise to power and his authority's effectiveness are basically hanging by the armed forces' support. Ambohitsorohitra has its small personal army, Mahazoarivo is ruled by a colonel Prime minister in charge of restoring order, or in other words, doing what it takes to master any opposition movement. But the deal between political and army circles is crumbling, and the green shots of rebellion from state police ranks are not helping at all.

Transition within the transition: the HAT military regime is on the brink of collapsing

The national State police’s Intervention Force has the relevance missing to the RAS no commissioned officers’ regiment. When Fort Duchesne is uprising, the HAT is making a priority of deactivating the time bomb as quickly as possible. The transitional authorities and this state police’s special force have reached a deal. The official announcement of a mutiny has been avoided. Colonel Raymond was actually on his way to state to the press that his men would quit obeying orders from above.  

 

History failed short from being re-enacted. The official announcement of a mutiny produced by colonels in Soanierana has indeed turned the political crisis into a military putsch in March 2009. In the leading roles were colonels Noel Rakotonandrasana and André Ndriarijaona, now respectively promoted general as well as defence secretary, and army joint chief of staff at their superiors’ expenses. The mutiny began in the Capsat camp by that time commanded by someone named Charles. The regiment basically not devoted to military interventions was under estimated. It was a mistake. The FIGN of Fort Duchesne, commanded by a colonel named Bruno Razafindrakoto, joined the popular movement.   

 

February 2010, it is a now a certain general Bruno Razafindrakoto who is facing up to the storm created by his former men. The conflict stemmed from the alleged 500 millions of ariary deal between the ousted president Marc Ravalomanana and that time’s FIGN commander. This regiment’s single military intervention was the removal of dams at the time of the first conquest of ministries by Monja Roindefo’s insurgent government. Some small BRDM armoured vehicles have been sent to Anosy.  

 

His former men are now asking general Razafindrakoto for accounts. He denied the existence of such money thrice in a row. “It never existed, it doesn’t exist and it will never exist “, he protested. The state police commander put forward that he was part of the very pioneers of the political crisis. “I took my responsibilities in Fort Duchesne because the state police was in danger, it was no more independent”, he argued. Some figures tried to use Fort Duchesne in lobbying (himself dixit) and there did the movement for change start”. 

 

After one  tense day, the state police climate is back to normal. In 2009, the mutiny started by the Capsat camp was unleashed by the pro-TGV media group’s spread false rumors of attacks perpetrated by presidential guards. One year later, the HAT is rather sending some emissaries instead of soldiers, negotiators rather than the special intervention force directed by former Capsat and FIGN officers. Fort Duchesne is not asking for Andry Rajoelina to leave the power, but requires politicians to put a term to the crisis by complying with the agreements which they signed in Maputo and Addis Ababa.  

 

The army leaders’ orders to zip mouth have, anyway, gone down like a lead balloon. In order to ease tensions, and most likely in order to create diversion, the HAT national State police’s state secretary has erected an investigation commission headed by the Bianco’s CEO, involving the HAT Justice ministry, and the Bureau in charge of the fight against money laundering. The HAT propaganda media groups are already making the issue a corruption case incriminating the elected president Marc Ravalomanana. Such a conclusion would, however, entrench uneasiness further more within the state police since it would come up to recognize general Bruno Razafindrakoto’s guilt.